Download 1867 Disraeli, Gladstone and Revolution: The Passing of the by Maurice Cowling PDF

By Maurice Cowling

The passage of the Reform invoice of 1867 is likely one of the significant difficulties in nineteenth-century British historical past. Mr Cowling offers a full-scale rationalization, in keeping with quite a lot of archive fabric, together with 4 significant manuscript collections no longer formerly used. Mr Cowling will pay equivalent recognition to the view taken by way of Parliament of the category constitution and to the targets and techniques of politicians in Parliament and outdoors. He units this certain historic narrative in an analytical framework, the assumptions of which he discusses at size.

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Extra info for 1867 Disraeli, Gladstone and Revolution: The Passing of the Second Reform Bill

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Who] kn[e]w what monstrous tyranny [was] exercised by the trades unions and how wholly powerless the workman would be to resist the leaders of 27 DISRAELI, GLADSTONE AND REVOLUTION these combinations if they chose to make use of their power.. 1 The Palmerstonian alliance had been based on the belief that a Whig/Radical combination would carry active working-class feeling with it without abandoning anything essential in the process. Fear of the unknown when Palmerston died operated in different ways on different people.

The Hyde Park demonstration of May 6 did nothing to Disraeli which the general movement of public feeling in the winter had 42 PRELUDE not done already. So far as it had an impact on him, it was in a reactionary direction, making Conservative backbenchers so hostile to the government's failure to resist the League's use of the Park that he could not concede as much as he wanted to in Hibbert's direction, and had to couple an inadequate concession to Hibbert on May 6 with what Gladstone called a * reactionary' motion of confidence on May 9 and a bill to prevent similar demonstrations in the Royal Parks in future.

Though those by whom he was attacked thought he wanted to destroy aristocratic power, his words suggest no such intention. There is every reason to think that he wanted what he said he wanted—neither an assault on property nor the destruction of aristocracy, but a sharing of its power; and that he wanted this because, in the society in which he lived, he could not conceive of success for revolution fundamental enough to sweep away aristocratic institutions altogether. It was, he told Congreve in September 1866 on being offered leadership of the vague, non-existent independent revolutionary working-class movement which Congreve wished to establish for the future, 'simply impracticable...

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